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Payback Time
Politicians are finally calling for debt relief - but Jubilee 2000 wants more
by Melissa Wall
Jubilee 2000 - the global movement to cancel the Third World debt - has often been seen as the arm of the global economic justice movement you could take home to meet your mother. Its members are folks who know to bathe before they meet with public officials. Grounded in the Bible, its main message exudes moral authority. And its public events have been marked by gentler, less confrontational gestures, like the march downtown from Capitol Hill, where demonstrators formed a human chain around the Federal Building. In one of the largest actions for debt cancellation to date, more than 20,000 people joined hands in the human chain at the opening reception of the World Trade Organization in Seattle last year.

Only a few years ago, Jubilee's goal - for the IMF, World Bank and wealthy countries to cancel the debts of the world's poorest countries - was a radical idea. Today, debt cancellation is gaining mainstream favor. "Through the Jubilee movement, we've been able to put issues facing the world's poorest countries onto the social agenda," says the Rev. Pete Strimer, Canon Missioner at St. Mark's Episcopal Cathedral, a member of the Jubilee 2000 Northwest Coalition. "Within our own country, it was the Jubilee 2000 movement that made debt relief a public policy issue."

Those interested in lobbying the government have, at first glance, been enormously successful. Last year at a meeting in Germany, the G-7, the world's richest countries, agreed to prioritize debt relief. Various countries introduced follow-up legislation. The U.S. House and Senate have been considering their own versions: the most ambitious is H.R. 1095, the Debt Relief for Poverty Reduction Act, which has been stuck in committee since last fall. It's doubtful that Congress will act before adjourning in mid-October. Still, Seventh District Representative Jim McDermott has been publicly supportive, meeting with Jubilee 2000 Northwest members.

Now that the issues are on the agenda, the movement faces some serious questions about its future. Will it end when the year 2000 is over? Or, since debt cancellation is on the policy agenda, should the movement take the lead with a more radical perspective? The answer depends on which country, and indeed which region or city, you ask.

More than 65 countries around the world have Jubilee 2000 organizations, which range from slow-moving bureaucracies to more nimble, grassroots groups like the Seattle-based Jubilee 2000 Northwest, a network of nearly 30 groups ranging from faith-based communities to labor to human rights advocates. Each Jubilee group tends to chart its own course concerning Third World debt.

For the local coalition, the answer to whether the movement should close up shop come the year 2001 is an easy one: No, says Michael Ramos, program associate for church and economic justice for the Washington Association of Churches. "The countries in the South - with whom we sympathize quite a bit here - are saying, 'We're building a movement here, and there's a lot of energy in the grassroots. We have to continue on.'"

To continue doing what is a complicated question. Because Jubilee Northwest has successfully attracted a range of supporters, Strimer says it also has a spectrum of opinions about the debt issue and the movement's position. Some members look beyond government to see the debt as the "entry to the entire globalization and neocolonialist issue," says Strimer. And so far, despite signs of hope, the IMF, the World Bank and Congress have fallen short of the movement's goals.

For some in the movement, waiting for politicians to act is fraught with too many compromises. For example, McDermott's support for debt cancellation is tempered by his sponsorship of a controversial new law, the African Growth and Opportunity Act, or what its critics call NAFTA for Africa.

"I wouldn't call him a foe, but he has a neoliberal approach to development," says Strimer, who wishes McDermott was as outspoken on debt as he has been on trade.

Other members of the coalition believe economic development and debt cancellation are incompatible. "McDermott is pushing trade, and we're asking for a new beginning. I think these are two different things," says Hanna Petros, executive director of coalition member Ustawi, a local nonprofit that educates the Northwest about Africa-related issues. Petros, a native of Ethiopia, has stopped counting on U.S. politicians. The strength of any social movement is in its grassroots, she says; Jubilee 2000 must back up the agenda of its members in the poor countries.

These days, they're asking for more than mere debt cancellation. For example, Anglican Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane of South Africa has said the Third World countries have waited long enough for action, they have met their lending institution's ever-changing requirements for debt relief. They have privatized their economies and cut social services to the bone, and still no relief has come.

Asking these countries to continue servicing their debts when they are already so poor is "economically irrational and morally unacceptable," according to the development agency OXFAM. More than half of the people living in the world's poorest countries survive on a dollar a day, one in six children dies before the age of 5 from poverty-related diseases, and almost 50 million children are not in school. Ndungane calls on all poor countries to simply stop making debt payments to wealthy countries. Locally, Petros is studying the legal and economic ramifications of Ndungane's call.

Meanwhile, the Jubilee 2000 South movement, made up of the Third World countries, has declared debt cancellation too timid a course of action. Such debts are illegitimate, Jubilee South argues, and in return for all the violence, economic and environmental devastation which the Northern countries have created, the Third World should in fact receive reparations. In other places, the movement has become a call for democracy and the means to eliminate poverty.

Strimer believes that, at least locally, these diverse points of view can be accommodated. He says the range of opinions members raise is the very strength of Jubilee Northwest.

"We couldn't do it unless it was a broad coalition," he says. No matter your point of view, "you begin to see the debt as a system of domination and power over people in many countries. Then it becomes possible to undertake not only legislative action, but organizing - which is what it is going to take, over the long haul."

Jubilee Northwest believes that listening to the South is just as important as charting its own actions. So, while sending out alerts for members to contact Congress about debt cancellation legislation, the coalition has also endorsed the archbishop's statement. They have called on local and national affiliates to do the same.

For Petros, connecting with people in the poor countries is where change really begins. "I hope that Jubilee Northwest continues working with and trying to hear the voices of the South," says Petros. "In that way, we can make a difference."
 

 

 

 

       
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